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Research Detail

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Sonia F. Hoque
Sustainability Research Institute, School of Earth and Environment, University of Leeds

Claire H. Quinn
Sustainability Research Institute, School of Earth and Environment, University of Leeds

Susannah M. Sallu
Sustainability Research Institute, School of Earth and Environment, University of Leeds

he commodification of peasant livelihoods through export-oriented aquaculture has brought about significant social-ecological changes in low-lying coastal areas in many parts of Asia. A better understanding of the underlying drivers and distributional effects of these changes requires integration of social and ecological approaches that often have different epistemological origins. Resilience thinking has gained increased traction in social-ecological systems research because it provides a dynamic analysis of the cross-scalar interactions between multiple conditions and processes. However, the system-oriented perspective inherent in resilience thinking fails to acknowledge the heterogeneous values, interests, and power of social actors and their roles in navigating social-ecological change. Incorporation of political ecology and well-being perspectives can provide an actor-oriented analysis of the trade-offs associated with change and help to determine which state is desirable for whom. However, empirical demonstrations of such interdisciplinary approaches remain scarce. Here, we explore the combined application of resilience, political ecology, and well-being in investigating the root causes of social-ecological change and identifying the winners and losers of system transformation through empirical analysis of the differential changes in farming systems in two villages in coastal Bangladesh. Using the adaptive cycle as a structuring model,we examine the evolution of the shrimp aquaculture system over the past few decades, particularly looking at the power dynamics between households of different wealth classes. We found that although asymmetric land ownership and political ties enabled the wealthier households to reach their desired farming system in one village, social resilience achieved through memory, leadership, and crisis empowered poorer households to exercise their agency in another village. Material dimensions such as improved living standards,food security, and cash incomes were evidently important; however, freedom to pursue desired livelihood activities, better environmental quality, mental peace, and cultural identities had significant implications for relational and subjective well-being.

  Adaptive cycle; Desirable state; Salinity; Shrimp aquaculture; Social-ecological system
  
  
  
  Socio-economic and Policy
  Trend analysis

We first briefly review the theoretical literature on resilience, political ecology, and well-being and highlight the need for overcoming disciplinary boundaries to better theorize the social dimensions of social-ecological resilience.

A mixed-method approach comprising of focus group discussions (FGDs), participatory wealth ranking (PWR), household questionnaire surveys, and livelihood trajectory interviews was used to collect empirical evidence in late 2014. Data fromWR and household surveys were used to stratify households by wealth class. Understanding the drivers of social-ecological change involved the analysis of qualitative data from FGDs and interviews in relation to the characteristics of the adaptive cycle,whereas assessments of well-being impacts were based on both survey and interview data. PWR was used to identify the number of wealth classes with in each village and outline the main characteristics that differentiate one class from another. Coincidentally, participants in both villages disaggregated households into five wealth categories,namely, rich, upper middle, lower middle, poor, and extreme poor,using agricultural land ownership as the most important determinant along with indicators such as relative income,housing materials, education, and food security. Asset ownership data from household surveys were used to generate household wealth indices and calculate the numbers of sample households belonging to each of the five categories. Principal component analysis (PCA) was carried out using 17 indicators under seven dimensions. All components with an eigenvalue > 1 were extracted, of which the factor scores and factor loadings of the first principal component (PC1) were considered as the household wealth indices and indicator weights, respectively. K-means cluster analysis with five clusters was then applied on the PC1 factor scores to quantitatively disaggregate households into five wealth classes. PCA also revealed the variation in asset ownership within and between different classes and inequality in wealth distribution within the two communities. Following translation and transcription, qualitative data from FGDs and livelihood trajectories were scrutinized, and chunks of text related to historical events were coded as per the spatial scale (international, national, regional, or local) and the domain in which they occurred (socio-political, agro-ecological, oreconomic). The events closely adhered to the characteristics defining each of the four phases of the adaptive cycle in terms of the system’s potential (that is, the wealth of the system) and connectedness (that is, the internal controllability of the system for details of data analysis).The events were then arranged chronologically, demarcating boundaries between the phases for the two villages respectively. Although this demarcation aided structuring and analysis of data,it should be noted that these boundaries are highly flexible and represent broader time periods instead of rigid start and end dates. Quantitative data from household surveys were used to construct bar charts on households’ changes in well-being resulting from the changes in farming systems. The questionnaire included an open ended question asking respondents whether they were better off, worse off, or same as before, and why. Using this subjective line of inquiry resulted in a wide range of responses in which relational factors such as having a peaceful community of ten emerged in addition to the usual objective factors such as income and assets. These were also supplemented with qualitative data from interviews that provided deeper insights into individuals’ values, struggles, and aspirations. Individuals’ responses may not be representative of all members within the household; however,because we primarily focused on understanding the power dynamics between different wealth classes, intra household differences and gender dimensions were not studied. STUDY SITES The study villages, Mithakhali and Kamarkhola, are located in southwestern coastal Bangladesh, an active deltaic floodplain characterized by high vulnerability to salinity intrusion and cyclones accompanied by tidal surges. Salinity intrusion is largely a seasonal phenomenon; changes in upstream river flows lead to a relatively freshwater regime during the wet season and high levels of water and soil salinity during the dry season. However, this natural process has been exacerbated by the  construction of the Farakka dam on the Ganges River in India, the establishment of hundreds of coastal embankments in Bangladesh, and the growth of brackish water shrimp farming since the 1970s . Thefunnel-shaped configuration of the coastline provides a breeding ground for cyclones, which generally strike in late May or early November (Ministry of Environment and Forests 2009). Two of the most recent events, the 2007 cyclone Sidr and the 2009 cyclone Aila, had devastating effects on coastal communities, with Kamarkhola being one of the four worst affected places (Disaster Management Bureau 2010). 

  Ecology and Society 22(2):45.
  https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-09422-220245
Funding Source:
1.   Budget:  
  

The integration of resilience, political ecology, and well-being approaches here thus helped to engage better with the social complexities of change and provided a more grounded analysis of what is desirable and for whom. Social-ecological systems research is often dominated by system-oriented approaches that tend to rely on quantitative measurements of linkages amongvarious components. Factors and processes that do not fit within the boxes and arrows of the system model are sometimes ignored. For instance, in studying the interrelationships between ecosyste mservices and well-being in coastal Bangladesh, Hossain et al. (2016, 2017) used indicators such as percentage of population below the poverty line, gross domestic product, and production cost as measures of material well-being; education as a proxy for freedom of choice; and water and sanitation facilities, housing conditions, and birth by a skilled health trainer as measures of quality of life. Analysis of aggregate indicators at a regional level reflected strong positive relationships between provisioning services and material well-being, and weak relationships with regulating services. As argued by Dawson and Martin (2015), such reductionist approaches fail to acknowledge the conflicting objectives of different interest groups, the power relations, and trade-offs associated with changes in ecosystem services. Aggregate measures can lead to policies that seek to increase overall economic growth to promote human development. The adverse socioeconomic and agro-ecological impacts resulting from the unregulated growth of the shrimp industry in coastal Bangladesh is a living example of the dangers of such reductionist research approaches and policy formulation. Interdisciplinary approaches are essential for studying human-nature interactions; however, using social theories as addendums to established ecological frameworks can prove to be counter productive. Methodological approaches should be tailored to capture the inner workings of human societies and heterogeneous needs of different people.

  Journal
  


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