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Research Detail

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Anika Nasra Haque
Lecturer in Environmental Planning and Urban Design at the School of Architecture, American International University, Bangladesh.

David Dodman
Senior Researcher at the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), London

MD. MOHATAZ HOSSAIN
Assistant Professor in the Department of Architecture, Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET).

The relationship between “coping” and “resilience” increasingly features in academic, policy and practical discussions on adaptation to climate change in urban areas. This paper examines this relationship in the context of households in “extreme poverty” in the city of Khulna, Bangladesh. It draws on a quantitative data set based on 550 household interviews in low-income and informal settlements that identified the extent of the underlying drivers of vulnerability in this setting, including very low income, inadequate shelter, poor nutritional status and limited physical assets. A series of focus groups were used to explore the ways in which physical hazards have interacted with this underlying vulnerability, as a means to understand the potential impacts of climate change on this particular group of urban residents. These outcomes include frequent water-logging, the destruction of houses and disruption to the provision of basic services. The main focus of the paper is on describing the practices of low-income urban residents in responding to climate-related shocks and stresses, placing these in a particular political context, and drawing lessons for urban policies in Bangladesh and elsewhere. A wide range of specific adaptation-related activities can be identified, which can be grouped into three main categories – individual, communal and institutional. The paper examines the extent to which institutional actions are merely “coping” – or whether they create the conditions in which individuals and households can strengthen their own long-term resilience. Similarly, it examines the extent to which individual and communal responses are merely “coping” – or whether they have the potential to generate broader political change that strengthens the position of marginalized groups in the city.

  Bangladesh, Climate change, Poverty, Resilience, urban
  In Khulna, Bangladesh
  
  
  Risk Management in Agriculture
  Climate change

This paper focuses directly on the second and third of these, specifically by examining the ways in which responses to climate variability and change can generate broader transformations in urban social relations, accountability and governance. The specific entry point is a focus on community-based adaptation (hereafter CBA), explained by Ayers and Forsyth.

II. Urban Vulnerability and The Potential for Community-Based Responses There is a considerable body of research and literature on urban poverty and vulnerability − including vulnerability to climate change − in urban Bangladesh. While various conceptual frameworks for understanding vulnerability to climate change have been produced, this research draws primarily on the definition used in the IPCC Fourth Assessment Report. 

“The degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change, including climate variability and extremes. Vulnerability is a function of the character, magnitude and rate of climate change and variation to which a system is exposed, its sensitivity and its adaptive capacity.”

This provides a suitable framework for examining vulnerability in the particular context of low-income settlements in Khulna – one that takes into account both external (exposure to particular hazards) and internal factors (the sensitivity and adaptive capacity of households, communities, urban institutions and the city as a whole). It informs a recognition that vulnerability in urban areas is shaped by the broader urban context and forces, including informality, rapid urbanization and a lack of infrastructure and basic services. While these factors are recognized by researchers as being important for shaping climate vulnerability in urban Bangladesh, they have, to date, been relatively neglected in the policy domain.

Alam and Rabbani provide one of the first reviews of climate impacts and responses in a Bangladeshi city, examining the case of Dhaka and recognizing the particular impacts of poor air quality and frequent flooding on infrastructure, industry, trade and commerce, utility services, population and health, and livelihoods. Elsewhere in Bangladesh, climate-related hazards in Chittagong include cyclones, flooding, landslides and tidal surges; with anticipated sea level rise expected to contribute to increased flooding (especially flash flooding), water-logging, tidal surges, and salt water intrusion. Hill-cutting (despite being prohibited in the 1995 Chittagong Master Plan) has led to landslides and siltation of waterways, which exacerbates flooding, while a shortage of safe drinking water is associated with a high prevalence of water-borne diseases.

III. Drivers of Vulnerability In Khulna, Bangladesh a. Geographical and bio-physical drivers of vulnerability Khulna is located beside the Rupsha and Bhairab rivers, at an elevation of approximately 2.5 metres above mean sea level, and covers an area of about 47 square kilometres. Overall, 46 per cent of the city’s land area is residential, 18 per cent is farming land, 15 per cent is industrialized areas and five per cent is commercial areas, while the rest consists of official structures, transport infrastructure, community and defence, facility parks and water bodies. The climate is humid during the summer, the average annual temperature is 26.3°C and the average annual rainfall is 1,800 millimetres. Industrial development since the 1960s has had a substantial influence on the city’s demographic composition, as people have migrated for employment in port-related activities, the jute industry and shrimp farming – resulting in larger numbers of industrial labourers and industrial investors. Displacement from rural areas to the city has also taken place as a consequence of major cyclones. The city is therefore densely settled, with a density rate of 3,335 persons per square kilometre.

b. Socioeconomic and legal components of vulnerability Low-income and informal settlements in urban areas exhibit a range of characteristics that contribute to vulnerability to climate variability and change. These settlements are characterized by congested living spaces, poor quality housing, a lack of accessible drinking water and inadequate sanitation facilities. There is a high incidence of urban poverty in Khulna. The city generates a relatively low proportion of national GDP (11.7 per cent) compared to Dhaka (37.2 per cent), Rajshahi (20.5 per cent) and Chittagong (19.3 per cent) (although these figures – the latest available – date from 1999−2000(51)). One analysis suggests that 190,000 of the city’s residents, living in 520 low-income neighbourhoods, are poor − although this is based on data from 2005 and is likely to be a substantial underestimate because of the ways in which urban poverty is defined and measured.

  Environment & Urbanization Vol 26(1): 112–129.
  DOI: 10.1177/0956247813518681
Funding Source:
1.   Budget:  
  

Both future changes in climate and future urbanization trends are difficult to predict with any accuracy. However, in the case of Bangladesh, both these forces will continue to shape the lives and well-being of millions of urban residents. This level of uncertainty is one of the reasons why responses to climate change require not only managing specific threats but also strengthening the capacity of individuals, households, communities and governments to deal with a range of shocks and stresses. Although the focus of this paper is on the “extreme poor”, the experiences of this group in Khulna are indicative of the challenges for low-income residents in many cities in Africa, Asia and Latin America. Poverty and political marginalization create the underlying conditions that reduce the ability of these individuals and households to cope with both slow- and rapid-onset events. Whether or not these events turn into disasters depends on the coordinated preparation and management of households, communities and institutions. The experiences of these residents of Khulna indicate that many activities are already being undertaken that respond to particular threats. However, while these short-term practices may respond to urgent needs, they will be insufficient in the longer term. Long-term meaningful resilience will require not only addressing the backlog in risk-reducing infrastructure but also providing institutional support to households and communities – and this, in turn, will not happen unless households and communities have effective ways of influencing processes of urban governance. Equally, this needs to be supported by national policies that grant responsibility, autonomy and resources to local authorities to address local and urban development concerns. National, urban, institutional, communal, household and individual adaptation are therefore all associated with each other and should engage with each other to achieve meaningful and enduring resilience.

  Journal
  


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