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Research Detail

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Mirza Sadaqat Huda
Corresponding author
Sustainable Minerals Institute, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia

Using the historical trends in Bangladesh–India water disputes as a background, this article argues that if Bangladesh and India approach the proposed Tipaimukh Dam on the trans-boundary Barak River from a cooperative security angle, they will be successful in making a significant deviation from the sovereignty-based approach that has been a prevailing feature of negotiations on water issues in South Asia. By emphasizing the benefit from a ‘share the resources’ model, as opposed to a ‘divide the resources’ model, such an approach will be mutually beneficial and may have significant ‘spill-over’ repercussions for multilateral cooperation on rivers in South Asia. 

  Water security, Tipaimukh Dam, Cooperative security, South Asia, Bangladesh, India, Barak river, Meghna River
  In Bangladesh
  
  
  Comparative study
  Water quality, Water management

To stimulate cooperation beyond establishing water rights and cooperative security to a specific water-related.

Bangladesh accounts for only 8% of the GBM Basin, whereas the basin forms 88% of the country’s land. This river system provides 90% of streamflow and 80% of freshwater flow into the country. Of its 57 trans-boundary rivers, Bangladesh shares 54 with India, and 93% of the catchment area of rivers flowing into Bangladesh lies outside the country (Haque, 2008). Bangladesh is thus overtly dependent on its neighbours for the quality and quantity of freshwater, and its geographical location as the lowest riparian country of a majority of rivers makes it extremely sensitive to unilateral diversions by India. Of the many contentious bilateral issues between Bangladesh and India, divergent perspectives on the sharing of the 54 common rivers has been one of most prominent. Unilateral diversions by India on trans-boundary rivers have reduced water flows and have had an adverse effect on environment and livelihoods in Bangladesh. In particular, diversion of the waters of the Teesta and the Ganges by India during the lean months severely amplifies the adverse effects of droughts on agriculture, fisheries and transportation in Bangladesh (Haque, 2008). Water is an emotional issue in both countries, and any negotiations on the sharing of common rivers is highly politicized (Economic and Political Weekly, 2011). In 1961, India started construction of the Farakka Barrage on the Ganges, one of the most important rivers in Bangladesh, where it is known as the Padma. The purpose of the barrage was to divert water into the Hoogly River to improve the navigability of the Kolkata Port. From 1974 to 1995 there were prolonged negotiations between the two countries on the amount of water allocated at the barrage. During this period, two memorandums of understanding and one short-term agreement were signed, and unilateral diversions by India quicked Bangladesh to refer this issue to the UN (Khan, 2011). In 1996, the ascent of new governments in Bangladesh and India saw the signing of a 30-year water-sharing treaty, which is known as the Ganges Treaty. In congruence with the agreements and memorandums of understanding of the past, the 1996 treaty reiterated the importance of cooperation on the augmentation of the Ganges during the dry season. Most importantly, the treaty stated that based on the principle of “no harm to either party”, both countries would conclude water-sharing cooperation in regard to other common rivers (Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, 1996, p. 4). Pandian (2002) has stated that bilateral cooperation on common rivers often creates the necessary political will and confidence to undertake broader, sub-regional cooperation. This is reiterated by Ebinger (2011), who has stated that nations in South Asia must view bilateral cooperation as the ‘low-hanging fruit’ of international negotiations, which provides immediate benefits, but more importantly, opens new lines of communication and the scope for multilateral cooperation in the long term. 

  WATER INTERNATIONAL, 2017; VOL. 42, NO. 1, 54–72
  http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2016.1236232
Funding Source:
  

Bangladesh is not only the most vulnerable country in the world in terms of floods (ESCAP & UNISDR, 2011) but also one of the most energy deficient. It has been contended that the Tipaimukh would alleviate both these crucial issues to some extent. Despite this, the proposed project has given rise to significant concerns in Bangladesh. These concerns emanate not only from the emotive aspect of water-related disputes, as frequently attributed by Indian analysts, but also from the bitter experiences of the Farakka Barrage (Nishat & Faisal, 2000; Tanzeema & Faisal, 2001) and allegations of less water being allocated to Bangladesh than is stipulated in the Ganges Treaty (Khan, 2007). Beyond the question of which observation is accurate, it is important to note that this divergence in perceptions persists almost two decades after the signing of the treaty. A cooperative approach to the Tipaimukh project, with Bangladesh as an equal partner, might be successful in allaying some of these concerns. By making a significant deviation from the myopic agreements of the past, such an approach might also reduce the dependence of the outcomes of negotiations on the political parties in power by promoting a state-to-state relationship on water issues. A cooperative, inclusive approach to Tipaimukh might succeed in doing away with the prevailing features of mistrust, misinformation, sovereignty and a zero-sum approach that have been the hallmark of past negotiations on water issues in South Asia. In the long run, if cooperation on the Tipaimukh project by Bangladesh and India is based on shared security and shared responsibility, it could give momentum to a regional appreciation of adopting a multilateral approach to water, which might eventually pave the way for basin-wide management in South Asia.

  Journal
  


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