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Research Detail

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Sreoshi Singha
International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), Kathmandu, Nepal

S. M. Tanvir Hassan
Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS), Dhaka, Bangladesh

Masooma Hassan
Pakistan Agricultural Research Council (PARC), Islamabad, Pakistan

Neha Bharti
The Energy and Resources Institute (TERI), Delhi, India

This paper reviews the interlinkages of critical state of water resources, supply systems, rapid urbanisation and demand regime, aggravated by tourism leading to increasing water insecurity in the Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH). Urban centres in the HKH have been defined based on different criteria, but mountain-specific criteria are lacking. In the mountains, small settlements such as district headquarters perform a large number of functions, typical of an urban centre. However, they are not formally classified as urban centres because they do not meet the censusdefined nationally set criteria of the respective country. Nonetheless, water insecurity is a reality, attributed to: (i) water governance issues; (ii) inappropriate urban planning, failing, and to some extent, unable to account for the floating population, such as tourists; and (iii) the scourge of climate change which could worsen the situation further. Short-term coping strategies to meeting water demands often involve unsustainable solutions, such as groundwater extraction, with long-term repercussions. However, long-term strategies for water sustainability by the governments have been beneficial while others are yet to show success. Initiatives by civil society and governments along similar lines in other countries could lead to a water-secure future for the fragile urban centres of the HKH region. 

  Adaptation, Coping strategy, Hindu Kush Himalaya, Urbanisation, Water insecurity
  In Bangladesh
  
  
  Risk Management in Agriculture
  Command area development, Water management

To determine the Urbanisation and water insecurity in the Hindu Kush Himalaya: Insights from Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan.

In all these four countries, urban centres are broadly defined in terms of a population threshold and the nature of economic activities carried out by a majority of the population. Many of these countries have revised their definition of what constitutes urban centres over the last few decades, making it difficult to compare long-term trends of urbanisation in the mountains. In this section, a critical look is taken at what constitutes urban, and if urban so defined meets the special needs of the mountains as a region. In Bangladesh, according to the censuses of 1981 and 2001, an urban area included city corporations, municipalities, upazila (sub-district) headquarters, growth centres, a cantonment, and urban agglomerations adjacent to large cities, i.e., city corporations termed as statistical metropolitan areas (SMA). In 2011, the concept of SMA, growth centre, and some other urban areas was abandoned, thereby, urban areas are limited to only city corporations, paurashavas (municipality areas), upazila headquarters and cantonment areas (BBS, 2014b) with amenities such as metalled roads, improved communication, electricity, gas, water supply, sewerage, sanitation, and a high population density and people mostly engaged in non-agricultural occupations (Islam & Khan, 2013). One direct consequence of changing the definition was that the percentage of urban population of the country declined to 23.3% in 2011, which otherwise would have been around 28% according to the previous definition. In India, a place is considered an urban centre, if it has a minimum population of 5,000 and at least 75% of the main workers1 are engaged in non-agricultural pursuits and the density of population is at least 400 per km2. Urban centres that meet the above criteria are designated as ‘census towns’. Other places, such as municipality, corporation, cantonment board, notified town area committee, etc., are ‘statutory towns’ and mostly belong to size class VI (Census of India, 2011a). However, this definition poses difficulty for urban geography studies, since some settlements, especially in the Himalayan region, which truly are urban centres from a physical and economic standpoint, fail to meet the criteria laid down by the Census of India. In Nepal, the term ‘urban centre’ has been defined differently across the census years from 1952, 1962, and 1992 (CBS, 2003). A final consensus only emerged as late as 1999. From merely counting people living in prominent settlements (with over 5,000 population), Nepal provided a specific definition of a sahar or urban centre for the first time in 1961. The 1962 Nagar Panchayat Act provided municipal status to urban centres with a minimum population of 10,000, which was again reduced to 9,000 in 1976, since several urban centres were excluded when the Village Development Committee (VDC) became the main unit of enumeration in the 1971 census. After the Local SelfGovernance Act of 1999 came into force, these municipalities were categorised into three types, i.e., metropolitan city, sub-metropolitan, and municipality with different criteria for municipalities of the hills and the Terai. In Pakistan, the census definition of an urban area was almost similar in the 1951, 1961 and 1972 censuses, where a place qualified as an urban centre if it had a minimum of 5,000 inhabitants. In 1981, the definition was changed by replacing the size-specific definition with an administrative criterion, whereby an urban area included a metropolitan corporation, municipal corporation, municipal committee or cantonment (Arif & Ibrahim, 1998). According to this criterion, 361 places identified as rural areas in the previous census but now showing more urban characteristics were added as urban centres in 1998 (Arif, 2003; Ali, 2013). While several efforts are in place to improve the water security of people living in the mountains, Tortajada (2014) identifies that there is a need for constant accountability from users, donors, government and non-governmental organisations for their decisions and actions. With good information networks (Rouse, 2014), planning can be more precise and can yield better results.

  Water Policy 22 (2020) 9–32
  
Funding Source:
1.   Budget:  
  

This paper presents an outline of the current status of urbanisation as well as water insecurity in the HKH region of Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan. All these four countries are undergoing rapid urbanisation. This paper highlights three major points. First, as the mountain sub-region is much smaller than the plains, globally, the urban population is also lower than in the plains, and attributed to differences in the terrain of the two regions, the former offers unfavourable conditions for human settlements to grow and prosper. Additionally, the uniform definition of urban centres applied with equal weight across plains and mountains, often tends to ignore important strategic locations as ‘urban’ in the mountains, although in terms of water security, the capacity of mountains is much lower than that of the plains. Second, within each country and its mountain areas, the pace of urbanisation varies, with higher urban growth noted in lower elevations and valley bottoms, again implying the importance of geographical factors in creating urban centres. While historical and geographical factors explained urbanisation in the mountains in the past, in recent decades, the economics of migration and tourism have been the major drivers of urbanisation. While urbanisation in the mountains offers huge opportunities for people from rural hinterlands, the haphazard growth of these mountain urban centres coupled with their fragile geography makes them particularly vulnerable to water stress and insecurity. Third, there are many strategies undertaken by people in coping and adapting to water scarcity. This paper found that the most frequent practice is to tap groundwater, either from spring sources or through dug wells and bore wells. However, unless supplemented with adequate and well-planned recharge programmes, excessive reliance on groundwater will lead to further potentially deleterious consequences in the future, given that aquifers in mountainous regions are inherently fragile.  This paper has been able to identify critical issues around changing conduct to water demand of urban centres, seasonally, accounting for floating populations, water inequities arising from socio-economic factors, impact of governance practices and water budget of cities. Urbanisation provides multiple livelihood options and pointed research in the gap areas can improve urban and regional planning and help achieve the goal of building sustainable urban centres in the HKH region.

  Journal
  


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